What makes Kali iconography distinctive in South India

Kali’s main characteristic is that she is unmanageable and exists outside of accepted ways of behaving. This gives it an extreme character, but also a certain malleability in modern times for various appropriations by marginal groups that challenge the dominant order. It also allows us to locate her extreme nature, between bloodthirsty and brutal, caring and motherly. It has been argued that goddesses appear auspicious, gentle, and kind when they submit to the will of their husbands, within the limits of accepted tradition and order, but are fierce and dangerous when they do not. Kali “feels outside the moral order and therefore appears unbound by that order.”

The interchangeability of the names and, sometimes, attributes of the devi is seen in different parts of the country. Distinguishing between Bhagavati and Bhadrakali, both forms of Kali, Sarah Caldwell writes: “Bhagavati, the dominant deity of Kerala, is a form of the pan-Indian goddess Kali. As Bhagavati, she is a benevolent protector, but in her more common angry and violent form, she is called Bhadrakali. According to Devdutt Pattanaika, Kali without outstretched tongue is Chandi, Chamunda, Bhairavi or Bhadrakali (literally auspicious Kali).

The iconography of Kali in different locations in the subcontinent varies. From the motherly and fiery Kali of Bengal to the auspicious Bhadrakali of Kerala or the awe-inspiring Chamunda enshrined in temples across northern India, Kali has extraordinary power over the pious imagination of her devotees. “Rites according to Atharva Vedacannot be performed without Kali and Tara. It is called Kalika in Kerala (Malabar), Tripura in Kashmir and Tara in Gauda (Bengal).

If the image of Kali in mountain paintings can be linked to the description in the Devi Mahatmyam, and Kali in Bengal can be linked to the emotionally charged poetry of Ramprasad and Ramakrishna, then where do we find the source of the images of Bhadrakali popular in Kerala, parts of Tamil Nadu and Karnataka?

A sign of Kali’s immanence is that her iconography changes with her geographical representation. Although the main abodes of the goddess are in Purnagiri, Uddiyan, Jalandhar and Kamrup, Kali also wields powerful political instruments. In southern India, where she is represented mainly in performance rather than popular art or classical painting, Kali has a clear caste prejudice and belongs to a world of disadvantaged classes. This is abundantly seen in performative forms like Mudiyettu, Theyyam, Padayani, Kathakali etc.

Goddess worship in Kerala aims to protect women (regardless of their caste) and restore justice. “Every Malayali knows that when the goddess Bhadrakali, commonly known as Bhagavati, killed the demon Darikan, Shiva asked her to come down to earth to protect her devotees. She chose Kerala as her domain. The legend of the killing of Daruka is told in: Markandeya Purana and it is believed to have taken place at Madaya near Kannur. Attukal Temple in Thiruvanathapuram is another important place of Devi worship. Every year in February and March, it attracts thousands of devotees who thronge the streets around the temple to cook Pongal. It is the largest human gathering of godly women in the world.

It can be argued that as the Bhakti cult developed in central and northern India and Vedic and Tantric practices became more recognizable, the Kali cult was pushed to the geographical margins. The oldest Bhagavati temple in Kerala is believed to be in Thrissur and was built during the Sangam era when Kodungallur or Mahodayapuram was the capital of the ruling Chera dynasty. In Kodungallur, the goddess is worshiped along with Mahadeva (Siva) and the Saptamatrikas. Caldwell emphasizes that Kali embodies the history of the appropriation of indigenous deities (associated with wild goddesses, serpent deities, blood sacrifices, and spirit possessions) within Brahmanical religion with the eventual arrival of Brahmin settlers in the region. Thus, the Brahmin religion in this region was strongly influenced by native cults. According to legend and popular belief in Kerala, the murder of Darika Asura described in Markandeya Purana took place at Madaya near Kannur. The distinctive feature of Bhadrakali is that it protects women and people in need, regardless of caste. In many parts of the South, Kali is also worshiped as Ujjaini Mahakali, after Vikramaditya – the legendary king of Ujjain who appears in Vetala Panchavimshati fairy tales – are believed to have brought this narrative to the South.

Kali also allows for the release of emotions that are not normally accepted or considered appropriate, as evidenced by performances of Mudiyettu and related art forms. Enacted exclusively by men who recreate the brutal encounter between Kali and Daruka, the performances allow for the destabilization of the status quo. In Theyyam, low-caste artists, often from communities once considered untouchable, perform in the homes or temples of higher-caste Namboodiris and Nairs. During the performance, they are believed to be divine and exalted beings with divinatory powers from whom a devotee can seek blessings. Several of the Theyyams are concerned with women’s rights and talk about feudal oppression. For example, Thottinkara Bhagavati Theyyam from Kannur narrates the aspiration of a low caste woman to read Ramayanaand the fact that she was punished for it by the ruler of the state of Chirakkal Thamburan. The feudal king tried to take advantage of her, and for her resistance she was punished by burning coal on her head. Due to the lack of respect he showed her, the ruler suddenly experienced several misfortunes, and kindness was offered to those who saved and protected the woman. The narrative ultimately signifies the woman’s transformation into a divine being who can exact revenge as well as bestow favors and generosity.

Caldwell mentions that in traditional worship in Kerala, the goddess represents political, economic, and spiritual power; whoever controls it controls important resources and prestige. Theyyam artists from northern Kerala, who largely hail from the lowest strata of society, have strong links with the Communist Party of India (CPI), which champions their causes and has elevated the status of “untouchable” art forms by including them in state parades and other important functions .

In Kerala, temple myths, caste connections and narratives also form the core of modes of worship. Devi places of worship involve competing caste and family associations and ancient disputes over land occupation and use. Unlike Shiva temples which are often believed to be the case swayambhu (self-manifesting) Devi can “appear” in deceptive forms and, in an ongoing narrative with her devotees, become an object of worship at a chosen location. In the myth surrounding the 9th century Chettikulangara temple, Devi appears in the form of an old woman who eats a meal and then disappears overnight in a blaze of light. As the story suggests, the community is convinced that the goddess has “arrived” and begins building a temple. Devi of Chettikulangara is believed to be the daughter of the goddess of Kodungallur temple.

In Puthiya Bhagavati Theyyam at the Sree Kuttiyattu Puliyoor Kali temple, flames emanate from the costumes and elaborate headgear of the artists. These are visible attempts to give the image of a spectacle; even the creation of the goddess takes place in the public eye. An actor playing a goddess may come in wearing a headdress and makeup, after which he should be more clothed. It becomes a ritual object that can bless and sanctify in the dance, although the performance becomes more and more crazy. Bhadrakali’s facial expression is terrifying, as evidenced by her spectacular mask-like makeup, elaborate headgear, luscious hair, and long nails, all while using dramatic effects while performing.

Communities in Tamil Nadu, Kerala and south Karnataka such as Nadars, Ezhavas, Nairs and Namboodiris worship Bhadrakali as paradewata (family deity). She is also the patron goddess of martial arts such as Kalaripayattu and other ritual performances held in kavus (sacred groves), small temples and in the homes and temples of upper caste patrons throughout Kerala. As in Theyyam, the roles in other dances are played by men, wearing metal breastplates, elaborate makeup, long hair and long nails imitating Kali. It is worth noting that although the patron is upper caste, the performer usually belongs to marginal communities such as the Vannan, Velan, Mavilan and Malayan communities. And like Theyyam, here too the art form can offer some kind of resistance. The durability of these practices has both to do with their inherent, spectacular nature and the highly charged, cleansing effect of Kali.

Kali also played a special role as an intermediary deity, accessible to low-caste worshipers in Kerala, who were denied entry to upper-class temples in the early 20th century. M. Kabir writes that the sanctuaries and temples controlled by the upper caste Hindus strictly denied access to some lower castes: “however, they (Pulays) were allowed to enter the premises of the Kali temples on the annual festival days, but were not allowed to worship God directly there and had to stay within pollution limits.” Devotion to the goddess would thus oscillate between caste hierarchies, even as her temples and sanctuaries occupied a sacred geography with an indeterminate concept of purity.

This is an excerpt from an essay by curator Gayatri Sinha from the book accompanying the eponymous DAG exhibition, Kali: Honor and rebellionwhich is on view till October 19 at DAG, Mumbai.